235 extractive question-and-answer pairs built from Digest of the 1951 Census Report for Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch, published by censusindia.gov.in. Every answer is a verbatim span of text the source prints, and each row carries the passage it sits in, its offset in that passage, the source quote, the page and the location in the document, so any row can be checked against the original. 140 of the 235 pairs (59.6%) are explanatory questions and 95 restate a figure. 100.00% of rows pass the corpus quality gate.
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First 10 of 235 rows
| question | answer | context | answer_start | question_type | knowledge_quality_score | source_quote | source_page | source_location | confidence | validation_status |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| What types of towns are absent in Kutch? | no class I or class II towns in Kutch | The three cities of Bhavnagar, Rajkot and Jamnagar comprised 26·9 per cent of the urban population of Saurashtra. There were no class I or class II towns in Kutch. In Bombay State almost half the urban population lived in cities. | 125 | definition | 1.000 | There were no class I or class II towns in Kutch. | 18 | page=18,block=0 | 0.850 | valid |
| What does a very small proportion of livelihood class V in a district indicate? | prima facie evidence of backwardness | The livelihood class also included herdsmen and shepherds. If a very small proportion of the population of, a district belonged to livelihood class V, as happened in Dangs and Panch Mahals, it would be prima facie evidence of backwardness, though the converse would not hold good. Kutch, a rather poor region, had more adherents of livelihood class V than any other district, and th,e proportion was also high in Saurashtra. Greater distances separate the villages in Saurashtra and ~utch, necessitating a greater number of producers to satisfy the | 202 | definition | 1.000 | If a very small proportion of the population of, a district belonged to livelihood class V, as happened in Dangs and Panch Mahals, it would be prima facie evidence of backwardness, though the converse would not hold good. | 15 | page=15,block=0 | 0.700 | valid |
| How can differences in fertility between areas be measured? | measure the ratio of children aged 0-4 at the census to the married women in the reproduc- tive age group | A major part of the difference is probably due to the fact that the registration of births is most defective in the smaller urban areas, and in the Deccan Southern Division and the Konkan where registered urban birth rates were lowest there were very few large and efficient municipalities like Greater Bombay, Ahmedabad and Poona. One way of checking whether there are real differences in fertility between areas is to measure the ratio of children aged 0-4 at the census to the married women in the reproduc- tive age group. This comparison suggested that a differential in fertility does exist between rural and urban areas and between a large urban area like Greater Bombay and other urban areas, but the difference was much smaller than in other countries. The lower fertility of the urban areas does not therefore have much lowering effect on the general birth rate or population growth. | 420 | definition | 1.000 | One way of checking whether there are real differences in fertility between areas is to measure the ratio of children aged 0-4 at the census to the married women in the reproduc- tive age group. | 19 | |||
| What has stayed largely the same in India since 1891? | the definition of " urban" | The definition of what constitutes an urban community has not been uniform from one country to another, but the definition of " urban" in India, though a multiple oIle, has remained substantially unchanged since 1891. It has therefore been possible to measure the change in the rural-urban distribution of population. A notable development of the past decade was the very rapid increase in the pro- portion of the population who were urban. 17·3 per cent of the population of Bombay State were urban in 1872 and 23· 7 per cent in 1941. In 1951 the proportion rose sharply to 31·1 per cent. The growth of towns and cities has been characteristic of modern industrial society, and" the change from hand to power driven machine production largely motivated it. | 108 | definition | 1.000 | The definition of what constitutes an urban community has not been uniform from one country to another, but the definition of " urban" in India, though a multiple oIle, has remained substantially unchanged since 1891. | 21 | page=21,block=12 | 0.700 | valid |
| What differentiation was made in the 1921 census regarding workers? | a distinction was drawn between it actual workers" (who were equivalent to the self-supporting persons plus the earning depend- . ants of 1951) and "dependants" | The 1951 census laid great stress on the collection of economic data. The definitions, 'the information collected, and the way in whic}l the information was treated have been different at each census since 1921. In 1921 a distinction was drawn between it actual workers" (who were equivalent to the self-supporting persons plus the earning depend- . ants of 1951) and "dependants" (w~o corres- ponded to the non-earning dependants of 1951). The it dependants" of 1921 were classified under the occupational groups of the persons on whom they were dependent. In 1931 a distinction was drawn between Ii principal earners," "working dependants" and "dependants." The working dependants were classified according to their actual occupations, as were earners. | 220 | definition | 1.000 | In 1921 a distinction was drawn between it actual workers" (who were equivalent to the self-supporting persons plus the earning depend- . ants of 1951) and "dependants" (w~o corres- ponded to the non-earning dependants of 1951). | 23 | page=23,block=7 | ||
| How were earning dependants categorized in Bombay State in 1921? | according to their own means of livelihood | In 1921, when (non-earning) depend. ants were classified according to the occupa· tions of the persons on whom they were depend- ent, and earning dependants were classified according to their own means of livelihood, 64·4 per cent of the population of Bombay State belonged to the agricultural classes. A similar method of classification in 1951 would have put the size of the agricultural classes at 61· 2 per cent. Figures of total (or non-earning) dependency are available for'the past four Censuses. Non· earning dependants formed 54·9 per cent of the. totld population of Bombay State in 1921, 59·2 per cent in 1931, 59·8 per cent in 1941 and 57·2 per cent in 1951. The actual working population consists of self-supporting persons plus earning depend· ants. | 173 | definition | 1.000 | ants were classified according to the occupa· tions of the persons on whom they were depend- ent, and earning dependants were classified according to their own means of livelihood, 64·4 per cent of the population of Bombay State belonged to the agricultural classes. | 23 | page=23,block=7 | 0.700 | |
| What does the working population in Bombay State consist of? | self-supporting persons plus earning depend· ants | In 1921, when (non-earning) depend. ants were classified according to the occupa· tions of the persons on whom they were depend- ent, and earning dependants were classified according to their own means of livelihood, 64·4 per cent of the population of Bombay State belonged to the agricultural classes. A similar method of classification in 1951 would have put the size of the agricultural classes at 61· 2 per cent. Figures of total (or non-earning) dependency are available for'the past four Censuses. Non· earning dependants formed 54·9 per cent of the. totld population of Bombay State in 1921, 59·2 per cent in 1931, 59·8 per cent in 1941 and 57·2 per cent in 1951. The actual working population consists of self-supporting persons plus earning depend· ants. | 713 | definition | 1.000 | The actual working population consists of self-supporting persons plus earning depend· ants. | 23 | page=23,block=7 | 0.700 | valid |
| How was the term 'house' defined during the 1951 census? | a dwelling with a separate main entrance | The 1951 census distinguished the "house" and the "household ". A house was defined as "a dwelling with a separate main entrance ", A household meant "all the persons who lived together in the same house and had a common mess ", The household of 1951 resembled the " house" of earlier censuses, whfch was based on the commensal family, The figures are therefore not comparable. | 88 | definition | 1.000 | A house was defined as "a dwelling with a separate main entrance ", A household meant "all the persons who lived together in the same house and had a common mess ", The household of 1951 resembled the " house" of earlier censuses, whfch was based on the commensal family, The figures are therefore not comparable. | 36 | page=36,block=13 | 0.700 | valid |
| What was the criterion for literacy used in the decennial censuses? | the ability to read and write a simple letter in any , language | tt+t++++++++t+++++++tt+t++t++++++tt+++++++++++tt++t++++++++++++t++++++ The results of the decennial censuses furnish an index of the lee-way made uP. in education during the decade. . The census definition of literacy was the ability to read and write a simple letter in any , language, a more stringent definition of literacy than that adopted by a good many other countries which merely require that a person be able to read, The definition has remained substantially unchanged since 1911. Up to 1931 the increas~ in the percentage of the total population who were recorded as literate was only one or two per cent every decade. The percentage of the total popula- tion -Df Bombay State returned as literate was 6·75 in 1901, 7·13 in 1911, 8·93 in 1921, 9,87 in 1931, 18·28 in 1941 and 24,56 in 1951. | 222 | definition | 1.000 | The census definition of literacy was the ability to read and write a simple letter in any , language, a more stringent definition of literacy than that adopted by a good many other countries which merely require that a person be able to read, The definition has remained substantially unchanged since 1911. | 43 | |||
| What does a holding refer to in the context of land distribution? | the area of land held by one person who is primarily responsible for the payment of the land revenue to Government | Livelihood Class IV -Non-cultivating owners of fund 3· 27 per cent of the agricultural classes in Bombay, . Saurashtra and Kutch belonged to livelihood class IV. The proportion was highest in the Deccan Southern Division where the alienations of Government lands in the forms of inams were most extensive. Distribution of land aCfording to 8ize of holdings A holding means the area of land held by one person who is primarily responsible for the payment of the land revenue to Government. A holding may consist of land in several places, so the number of holdings does not indicate , the extent of sub-division and fragmentation. The data compiled do not also give infonna- Hon about how many holdings are economiC to operate. Ordinarily a holding of 15 acres of dry land or 5 acres of irrigated land is regarded as constituting an economic holding | 373 | definition | 1.000 | Distribution of land aCfording to 8ize of holdings A holding means the area of land held by one person who is primarily responsible for the payment of the land revenue to Government. | 25 | page=25,block=15 |
Read straight from the file — download or use the API URL for the full dataset.
| page=19,block=13 |
| 0.700 |
| valid |
| 0.700 |
| valid |
| valid |
| page=43,block=3 |
| 0.700 |
| valid |
| 0.700 |
| valid |